Amanda Barner

Blog Post 12: Muslim Youth

Like with any group of young people, generalizations cannot accurately reflect the wide diversity that occurs within Muslim youth in Europe. What they have in common: being raised as a second or third-generation Muslim in a European country and society. Many of these young people have grown up in a European culture with little difficult, feeling home in their country and accepting Western norms. They are viewed as “secular” Muslims. On the other hand, thanks to a history of oppression and pressure to assimilate (for example, laïcité in France and the President’s push for a “French Islam”), has caused some Muslim youth to move in the opposite direction and embrace a “return to Islam” in a rebellious, radical sense.

This reaction is less about religious zeal, and more finding a community and identity within a hostile environment. Complicated the issue of identity within their religion and ethnic background, Muslims arrive to Europe from all over: Egypt, Algeria, Turkey, etc… all with different traditions and interpretations of Islam and what it means to be Muslim. What does it mean to be Muslim in a Western society? These discourses aren’t just “West versus Islam” either; they occur between different sects, different ethnic groups, or between generations, with many young Muslims not necessarily sharing their parents’ views of how to live life now that they no longer live in a country where Islam is the dominating religion. Another example of generational distinction is the tendency for first-generation Muslim immigrants to be more self-contained, not as involved in Western communities, and to focus more on issues and politics of their home country, whereas younger Muslims have grown up in these Western communities and thus tend to become more involved.

For some Muslims, this conflict leads to becoming more secular, and for others, it means seeking out a more clearly-defined (and radical) identity within “True Islam”. For both sides, this main issue is about defining identity compared to or in contrast to Western society and its prejudices.

Muslim youth protesting for peace versus Muslim youth protesting in radicalization

Assimilation, Communitarianism, or Something New

Assimilation= the belief in total acceptance of the cultural they immigrated to or are citizens of. While they can remain Muslim, the practice of their religion must be private. This belief is present not just in white Europeans but also seen in some Muslims, a large portion of whom are part of the second or third-generations.

Communitarianism= the belief that Muslims should form cohesive societies separate from Western European culture, which then interacts with the state and society. In its most extreme form, this means some Muslims prefer to be isolated from Western society and follow strictly Islamic rules.

Muslim youth’s beliefs travel all across the spectrum, on an individual scale there is quite a wide variety of views in concern to Muslim communities in relation to their country. Politics, even within the same country, can vary in approach, and it is possible to try and find some middle ground between total assimilation and total communitarianism. With some many Muslims growing up and being a vital part of European society, many are looking for new approaches and modes of interaction.

For instance, is it possible to integrate into a society while still not assimilating? What roles do religion and spirituality have in both public and private spheres? Wherever the future takes Islam, it is inevitable that there will be more and more mix of cultures and ethnicities and traditions and politics. Instead of simply forcing a group to completely assimilate, or insist the two groups remain separate, there should be more exploration into how cultures can mesh and interact with each other, and for Muslim youth, how to grow up influences by both cultures.

Multiculturalism

Kenan Malik defines the “myth of diversity” as the misconception that Europe is only now more “diverse than ever”, as if before immigration from Africa or the Middle East, countries in Europe were just a mass of people who all viewed each other as the same. The reality is that in the 1700s and 1800s, Europeans were just as likely to view their country as diverse, but not in the way be define diversity today. And there were just as many political and cultural differences caused by these differences: the English hating the Irish, the French elite despising the rural poor, the Victorian gentleman acting as master over those working in the factories.

These views of “diversity” in terms of  a recent trend place immigration as a modern problem for Europe, unparalleled any time else in history. Yet in 1905, Britons were just as suspicious and worried of European Jews moving to the United Kingdom, leading to the first immigration law, reflecting the fear that the incoming Jews would change what it meant to be British. The claim that European identity is eroding is not new, nor is the idea that Europe is now more multicultural – rather, our view of what it means for a society to be “diverse” has changed.

But multiculturalism is different from assimilation. Assimilation assumes that the culture already present is somehow “superior” or has the right to exist publicly, and those who immigrate must assimilate for the good of the society, keeping their home countries traditions and beliefs to the private realm. One society is placed in priority over others, for example with the French concept of laïcité: the idea that “French culture” (which up until the French Revolution wasn’t nearly so cohesive as would liked to be believed) was somehow superior and more important than those of immigrants’ home countries.

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Multiculturalism, ideally, supports any and all cultures as co-existing in the same country without one dominating over the other. In some ways this has occurred in Europe, for example with Germany. As Malik points out, starting “in the 1980s, the government encouraged Turkish immigrants to preserve their own culture, language, and lifestyle. The policy did not represent a respect for diversity so much as a convenient means of avoiding the issue of how to create a common, inclusive culture.” The results of this are general indifference towards German culture on the part of Turks, and growing hostility towards Muslims on the part of Germans. Neither method of handling multiple cultures in the same country have produced very positive results.

Malik suggests solutions to the fracturing of European society:

1) recognize and separate the difference between diversity as a lived experience and multiculturalism as a political process. Diversity should be welcomed, while the institutionalization of it via multiculturalism should be avoided.

2) Europe should distinguish colorblindness from blindness to racism. In other words, just because a state chooses to view all their people as citizens instead of by ethnicity, that does not mean these differences or the discrimination of certain minorities should be ignored.

3) People need to be differentiated from values. Multiculturalists do not believe in the possibility of common values, while assimilationists support only a specific set of values. Both treat minorities as homogeneous groups and ignore the diversity within.

Europe’s Homegrown Terror

Sajan argues that the primary supply of terrorists and radicals that are responsible for attacks in Europe have been born in Europe and grew up within European culture, instead of from older immigrants as might be believed.

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the path to radicalization

The possible reason for this goes back to the original argument above: Muslim youth grow up in a hostile environment, in a socioeconomic position within a society that through Islamophobia treats Muslims as unwelcome. These youth then seek out an identity with other Muslims, pursuing a stricter form of Islam rather than trying to assimilate or become more secular. This then leads into joining terrorist groups, enacting violence, and generally coming to view Western culture as the enemy.

Within the context of the information from Islam, Europe’s Second Religion, I agree with Sajan in this respect. But I still believe that Muslim youth who become radicalized are still in the minority, and most do not end up becoming violent.

Final Thoughts

I think that the final conclusions in Islam, Europe’s Second Religion are well thought out, and I can appreciate their approach of separating each chapter by country, to provide a general layer of history, before delving into other issues such as Muslim youth. Overall it is a good book, and it is clear the authors have done their research.

 

Amanda Barner

Blog Post 11: Intercultural Divide and Italy

unnamedThe narrative of “Islam vs the West” represents a cultural divide, a story of polarized viewpoints, adversarial framing of historical relations, and the identification of “us” in contrast to “them”. As stated in the article, Islam and the West: Narratives of Conflict and Conflict Transformation,  “Dominant Middle Eastern and American narratives about relations between Islam and the West focus on the manner in which their respective civilizations have defined themselves in opposition to each other.” The narratives are primarily based around intercultural confrontation: when cultures have clashed, glossing over the times cultures have worked together. The “West” sees the “Islamic world” as barbaric and inferior to the West, more violent and backwards, and similar can be said of the view of the West as suffering from “moral decay and a disintegration of family values”. Since the Iranian Revolution and the questioning of European supremacy, the West’s view of the Middle East has shifted from exotic and beautiful to dangerous. The media and politics often use this to their advantage and escalate the matter with portrayals of the “other” without context or accuracy. The overall end result, and theme, of the story of intercultural confrontation then is that the two sides are forever at war with each other, unable to meet or find common ground.

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According to this image, while the West developed flight, Muslims didn’t age for over 100 years.

However, there is a story of intercultural compatibility that can be told, even if it’s often ignored. Both cultures seek common values: peace, toleration, human dignity. Islam has a long history of trade with Europe, and in both the ancient and modern world education and knowledge crosses over frequently. “Whereas the first story seeks to trace the roots of conflict overwhelmingly to cultural differences, the second story attempts to combine cultural and political analysis.”

This myth that intercultural compatibility is impossible ruins chances for transformation before they even begin. If both sides believe that searching for common ground, and perhaps changing a little to accommodate each other, is out of the question, then neither culture really grows. Instead, views become ore polarized in an effort to justify any violent measures or wars taken against the other. Though it may sound impossible, some form of peace must be established to offer balance to the world; a chance to see the other side’s point of view, before they become too polarized beyond recognition.

Islam in Italy

The first (recent) wave of immigrants into Italy occurred during the 1970s-80s, first from Latin America and the Philippines, later from Africa and the Maghreb. It was from Africa especially that Muslims began to enter Italy, and with them the realization of permanent settlement of immigrants; different from France or Britain where there was a prevailing “myth of return”.

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Inside the Mosque of Rome

Unlike many other European countries, mosques organized and built in Italy are not created by and for immigrant workers, but by and for intellectual elites from the Middle East, particularly Palestine. It was only later that this changed and the use of mosques, and the culture surrounding Islam in Italy, changed. Also different from other European countries, Italian Muslims have a wide variety of origin countries, a rapid entry and settlement rate, a higher number of irregular immigrants, and more geographic dispersion. In France, Germany, and Britain, as we’ve seen, Muslim populations tend to focus around big cities, but in Italy there is no such tendency.

An intesa is a legal recognition of a religion by the state, which provides judicial and economical advantages. Examples of religions that have signed an intesa are the Adventist church, the Baptist church, the Union of Jewish Communities, and the Lutheran church. Since the 1990s, the Muslim community has been trying to gain an intesa, but some factors have gotten in the way of this happening.

The largest problem is that many Muslims are not Italian citizens, and most of the agreements have been met with historically established communities. Also, the number of Italian converts to Islam is still small, and thus Muslims do not currently represent a powerful political group. Linking problems of immigration to Islam by Italians creates a cultural barrier, as if Muslims are somehow more “alien” or “different” than non-Muslim Italians. This follows off the persisting image throughout Europe as Islam being the enemy. This has prevented Islam from being legally recognized by the Italian state.

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Amanda Barner

Blog 10: Fundamentalists in the Islamic World

A History of Jihad

After the retreat of the Soviet Union from Afghanistan in 1989 (and its eventual defeat in 1991), several new nations were brought into the Muslims world, and at the same time militant jihadists who had taken up arms wanted to create an ideal Islamic state to govern said Muslim world.

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Soviet troops are pulled out of Afghanistan after the Soviet-Afghan War.

And though fundamentalist groups have always been a minority and their beliefs do not reflect the majority of Muslims, that does change the fact that they are a very vocal and violent force with a vision reactionary to that of Western imperialism and democracy. From Afghanistan in particular, arose the well-known Taliban, but in most Muslim countries there is some radical force present. The common belief held amongst the varying groups is the pursuit of the “glory days” of medieval Islam, which in reality was just as troubled as any other part of history, but within their created dogma represents tradition and purity that modern Islam does not possess. Another nod to this vision of “traditional Islam” in the creation of an Islamic state in the reliance on sharia law.

Continue reading “Blog 10: Fundamentalists in the Islamic World”

Amanda Barner

Blog 9: Escaping and Integrating into Europe

A Journey of Sacrifices

bi_graphics_europe's refugee crisis (1)The film “#MyEscape” is truly eye-opening in how it takes you along with refugees, filmed by refugees, as they escape from their homelands to Germany. As one of the men remarks in Part 2, “You viewers can experience our problems with us.” His words reflect the power of documentaries like this. Often news of refugees are simplified to pictures of overloaded rafts of nondescript people whom you cannot relate to because no personal information is given. You don’t know of their dreams, their beliefs, their families. In the news they are just a symbol of a political agenda, whether for or against immigration. Here, we as viewers are allowed to experience some of the tension and fear along with the refugees as they cross seas, deserts, and borders in hopes of a better future. Particularly gut-wrenching are the stories of the 8-year-old nephew and the 15-year-old girl who otherwise could have been forced into marriage. A final shot from the documentary shows her with her brother, enjoying a ride on a rollercoaster, and another where the nephew builds a snowman. These remind us of just how young some of the refugees are. Since we can identify personally with these people, we are invested in their journey and feel their relief as they finally make it to Germany, where they are welcomed.

Even after watching the film, I still had a difficult time piecing together The Dispossessed comic in the way the film laid out the journey. I could recognize certain similarities in the journey — the raft, the train, etc. — but some of the layout and text bubbles were not drawn in a very clear manner, nor does the comic convey the same amount of suspense and fear as footage from the actual escape. The photos throughout help, making the reading experience feel more realistic, but because most of it is drawn, a lot of the conflict and journey feels like fiction. I am reminded of a similar experience watching a film called “Waltz with Bashir”, which tells the story of an Israeli soldier who cannot remember the Sabra and Shatila massacre (a 2-day massacre of mainly Palestinian and Lebanon Shiite civilians). The majority of the film is animated and makes the action and violence seem more fantastical, but at the very end the film switches over to real footage of the aftermath of the massacre, instantly forcing the viewer to recognize how real and terrible the event was. The same can be said with the The Dispossessed versus “#MyEscape”. One feels like reading something removed from reality, while the other forces you to watch actual recorded events as if you were there.

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Animated style of Waltz with Bashir (left) versus real footage (right)

Islam plays a small role in both of the stories, but the comic highlights it more than the documentary. In the documentary, the refugees are shown holding signs that say “Terrorism has no religion”, and only seem relatively religious when singing songs praising Jesus for their rescue on the ocean. Some of this is echoed in the comic where the refugees praise God when they are being saved from the raft. Later, at the end of the article, it is pointed out that during a night of crossing the Baltic Sea, some Muslim refugees found special meaning in the holiday it occurred on: Eid al-Adha, the festival of sacrifice (referencing the willingness of Ibrahim (Abraham) to follow Allah’s (God’s) command to sacrifice his son.) As they reach shore and bid the other refugees farewell, they wish each other a traditional Syrian blessing commonly said on major holidays, “May every year return, and you are safe.” So in some ways, though perhaps not as prominent as the media would have us believe, Islam can play a meaningful role in the sacrifices and harrowing journeys of Muslim refugees.

A Failure to Integrate

To make the journey even more difficult, for many Muslims their end destination can be as difficult to live in and their home country, with the addition of new languages to learn (for example, the refugees in the film are shown learning German), and issues of what Zemeni and Parker call a “failure to integrate” into European culture. This is primarily due to historical differences: most of the European countries, despite sharing a history with the Islamic world, were built on primarily Christian values. While many (especially Western) European countries claim secularism as a guiding value, this does not dismiss the fact that the underlying values of historical Christianity (for example certain holidays, traditions, how gender is viewed) do not come into play. 

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Notice that most of Europe in divided into categories of Christianity (Catholic vs Protestants) for a majority of 72%, while Muslims make up only around 2%. 

Though Europe claims to be tolerant and diverse, the diversity only goes so far. It is the difference between being German or French or Italian: there are differences in the countries’ cultures, but they all belong within Europe. Much of the Islamic world is viewed as regressive or not modern enough to fit within European values. One potent example is the controversy over headscarves which represent a stark difference in how the different cultures address gender and public modesty. There is also the tendency to recognize and accept the differences between European countries, while treating many Arab and African countries as all the same. This makes it all the more difficult to allow Muslims to integrate and be accepted in European culture. 

Amanda Barner

Blog 8: Islam in France

History of Muslims in France

The first large wave of Muslim immigrants to France occurred during World War I, when labor demands in industry, the military, and the mines brought primarily Algerians and Moroccans to France. This continued in post-war construction, and by the time of World War II, France began pulling from North Africa. But it was only starting in the 1960s that large-scale migrations of Muslims began, arriving mainly from Africa, followed by the Turks in the 70s.  It was during this time Europe’s economic boom dropped off, and with it the need for immigrant labor, creating a large population of unemployed people. Despite incentives created to encourage immigrants (largely men) to return to their home countries, it created the exact opposite result, as many women and children moved to France to settle down permanently, and with them came a more solid foundation of Islam in France (7).

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The increasing number of mosques and Islamic schools in France, mirroring the increase in Muslim population, as well as the skewed geographical density.

As reflected in the map above, Muslim populations tended to skew towards settling in large cities (Paris and its suburbs account for 38% of the Muslim population in France), and this combined with unemployment led to a “ghetto phenomenon” (7). Thankfully this has not stopped Muslim children from being able to get an education, as most immigrant children are able to complete high school and pursue university. However, the “ghetto” phenomenon does point to a larger problem in France: a separation of Muslims from the rest of French society.

It’s roots grow from the tradition of laïcité (discussed later in depth), which was established in “1905, when France’s Third Republic enacted the separation of church and state” (3), which originally was created to disestablish the Catholic Church after clashes between Catholics and Protestants (5). This date would again come up in recent times when President François Hollande declared December 9th a “Day of Laïcité” “reinforcing the teaching of laïcité in public schools” (4). 

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For nearly a century, laïcité worked fairly well. It “ensured public space for both those who believed — not just Catholics and Protestants, but Jews as well — and those who did not. But with the 1980s and 1990s came a growing number of immigrants, most of whom were Muslim, from North Africa” (6). As it turned out, this French tradition would play a critical role in how Muslims were viewed, revealing cracks in the practice of secularism.

Secularism in France and Europe

Laïcité, translated as secularism, carries a deeper meaning in France that means the separation of church and state “through the state’s protection of individuals from the claims of religion” (1); creating essentially a mythology of France as a special and superior type of secularism. Within this is the idea of communautarisme, where the group identity is placed above that of individuals. Religion is supposed to be relegated to the private life, while everyone who wishes to “become French” must publicly adhere to the secular vision of the French republic.

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Muslim women carry signs reading, “This is not provocation, just my freedom of conscience.” in response to Islamophobia in France.

Islam creates a challenge for laïcité, specifically with the public wearing of headscarves which do not fit into the image of secular France. But more generally, Islam challenges the French republican belief that equality is achieved through sameness, and Muslims are viewed as inherently different. Because some of them will not give up the signs of their culture, and Muslims in general have been grouped together as all seeming the same in comparison to “real French” people, their existence is viewed as not capable of being assimilated into French culture.

This isn’t solely a French issue, as many Western European countries have long tried to portray themselves as superior over “Islam” or “the Orient”. Throughout Europe, there is this idea that “politics and society are meant to operate without any religious influence” (2). But this doesn’t always happen, as a Spaniard comments, “(we haven’t really succeeded in removing religion from the public sphere. Instead, we’ve been left with a sort of non-religious cultural Christianity that we call secularism” (2). This white “secular” Christianity across Western Europe is often positioned as the opposition to Islam: without necessarily meaning to, the values of white Christianity are seen as the ideals of the republic, automatically placing the different traditions of Islam as “other”. It allows Christianity to be privileged as culture while Islam and Muslims are strictly viewed within the boundaries of religion (3). If this sounds far-fetched, consider how Christian holidays continue to remain on calendars and are seen often as “state” or “secular” events, versus Jewish and Muslim holidays which are always positioned as religious holidays.

So it is not that secularism is strictly a French issue, but laïcité is unique with its potential to affect one of the largest populations of Muslims in Europe (7).

References:

  1. Scott, Joan Wallach. The politics of the veil. Princeton University Press, 2009.
  2. https://www.salon.com/2016/11/27/europe-is-not-a-secular-paradise-and-americans-should-be-careful-when-embracing-this-myth/
  3. https://tif.ssrc.org/2016/10/11/a-new-christianist-secularism-in-europe/
  4. https://newrepublic.com/article/127179/time-france-abandon-laicite
  5. http://science.jrank.org/pages/11240/Secularization-Secularism-History-Nature-Secularization-Secularism-1914.html
  6. https://foreignpolicy.com/2016/04/07/the-battle-for-the-french-secular-soul-laicite-charlie-hebdo/
  7. Leveau, Remy and Shireen Hunter. Islam, Europe’s second religion: The new social, cultural, and political landscape. Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002.
Amanda Barner

Blog Post 7: Intro to Islam

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Myths About Muslims

Justin Vasse addresses some of the common myths that prevent non-Muslim people from understanding Muslims. The first myth is that being a Muslim constitutes a fixed identity that can be applied to all Muslims, when in fact Muslims are just as varied and individual with their opinions and beliefs as anybody else. You cannot assume that the beliefs of one Muslim are shared by everybody else. This is especially because news media will often address a group of immigrants from Middle Eastern countries as “Muslims” when in fact they might mean “Egyptians” or “Saudi Arabians”. Identifying them this way implies that whatever the group of people are doing is in the name of Islam. 

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Islamic architecture in Spain.

The second myth is that Muslims living in Europe are somehow inherently foreign to Europe, when in reality Europe has many historic connections to Islam (math, architecture, etc.), and the idea of Europe as a white and Christian land is not only historically inaccurate but assumes that Muslim children of immigrants will feel foreign in the land they literally grew up in. 

The third myth is that Muslims in Europe form a “distinct, cohesive and bitter group”. Muslims are, as stated in the debunking of the first myth, not cohesive and form many different social and political groups, each with their own individual thoughts and beliefs. 

The fourth myth claims that Muslims are somehow gaining on the “native population”, which at face value is not only not true, but it again assumes that the “native population” of Europe is non-Muslim (and often, implied to be white and Christian). Both historically and currently, that is not true, as there are many Muslims who are native-born Europeans. 

Religious vs Political Islam

While the shariah (system of law) was developed from the Traditions of Islam, through the Qu’ran, it has since expanded from a strict interpretation of the religious text, branching out into several systems of law. These include the five Schools of Thought, each of which carries in how much they follow the Qu’ran, traditional jurisdiction, and legal reasoning. For example, the Shaf’i puts emphasis of free will and consensus of the community, Hanafi relies on legal reasoning and rules of evidence, while Hanbali rejects that reasoning and insists upon literal interpretation of the Qu’ran. All of these school of thought are based from the same religious text, but their interpretations, and thus the laws based around them, are different. 

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It is also important to note that Muslims, while following the religious aspect of Islam, do not necessarily follow or agree with the political aspects. To assume that the religious and political dimensions of Islam are the same is to simplify a wide variety of schools of thought and legal and religious traditions.

Struggles in Europe

In education, Ramadan points out that there are challenges for Muslims: namely the blurring of cultural identity and religious illiteracy. He suggests that society as a whole question what exactly they want from education, whether that be a future with a high-paying salary, or to defend rights and justice, or to train pupils in responsibility? Primarily these challenges center around the fear of other people’s religions and beliefs, struggling to recognise others without compromising on your own identity. Education then, especially in the modern world, should focus on teaching students how to question meaning, discuss differing values, and break out of a rigid set of technical abilities. 

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fear and ignorance lead to social rifts

Social rifts are caused by economic crises which leads to violence and marginalisation. To combat the racism and xenophobia that arises from these rifts, local partnerships must be developed fight social deviation, Ramadan suggests.

These partnerships can work towards long-term development. This involves fighting unemployment (and racism in employment), promoting social welfare, and looking after marginalised people. In relation to Muslims, there must be mutual understanding, deliberately fighting against historical prejudices. 

Amanda Barner

Blog Post 6: Aid or No Aid

After reading for a few weeks about the various viewpoints on the usefulness of foreign aid to impoverished countries, I have a more educated view on the subject, if not totally complete yet. More research will need to be done to really develop a solid opinion; I cannot judge Sachs or Easterly as if I was a peer when clearly they have done much more research and have a lot more experience in the area. However, I do have some preliminary beliefs about the usage of aid. I cannot fully side with the pro-aid Sachs or the anti-aid Easterly, rather settling somewhere in the middle. Sachs believes that aid “helps to jump-start the process of capital accumulation, economic growth, and rising household incomes”. Once the poverty trap is broken thanks to aid, he reasons, the economy and households become self-sustaining.

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Sachs (left) vs Easterly (right)

Easterly on the other hand is skeptical of aid, mainly “because aid typically comes with an attempt to influence policies, often at the cost of actually worsening the politics by continuing to spend aid even when leaders are corrupt”. Instead, developing countries should be left on their own to find their way to success, primarily through a free market. I can understand his skepticism to aid: often foreign aid goes into the pockets of corrupt leaders or gangs, or never gets used at all.

To this, Sachs posits that aid should be directed to specific, easily monitored goals (like malaria, food production, drinking water, and sanitation). In this I can agree with him. Though I am skeptical of the usefulness of aid like Easterly, I find Easterly’s trust in the market to be possibly even more optimistic than Sachs’ devotion to aid. Specifically directed and carefully controlled aid could target problems more effectively, whereas the market often favors those who already have economic power, incentivising cheap labor and increased profits for the wealthy.

There is, of course, no way through either belief to make absolutely sure that aid works as intended or that the market benefits poor people. I also agree with Easterly that solutions to problems in these countries have to be localised and include the opinions and knowledge of those who actually live there. We can’t simply shake our heads and pat Africans on the head for not knowing what’s good for them — they know best what they want and, given enough opportunity for education, could very well find their own unique solutions to problems that a Western institution wouldn’t. But I think we, as “developed” countries in general, have a moral responsibility to care for those who need a hand up. At the very least, we should act as background encouragement, not taking up space, but instead allowing impoverished people to take the spotlight and say their own words on their situation. This, I believe, is a more appropriate way to view aid.  

Part 2:

Image result for sdg 1 and 2I feel that overall, as an entire book, Banerjee and Duflo do sufficiently addressed SDGs 1&2 (“end poverty in all forms everywhere” and “end hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture”). They discuss common theories and ideas about how to solve these problems, often through the words of Sachs, while offering their own research and unique viewpoints. This would be a good introductory book for those wanting to go deeper into economic policy, challenging commonly held beliefs (like hunger-based poverty traps or the naturally-entrepreneurial poor), while offering suggestions on how to further research solutions.

Local measures seem to work better than ones simply created on a national scale (often a certain village’s situation will be different from the common norm of the country), and those that involve women tend to fare better because the women often have reason and incentive to achieve more for themselves and their families. At the heart of most programs, the impoverished people have to want to participate. Otherwise it doesn’t work, such as shopkeepers refusing loans because they have no motivation to grow their business.

I do not think that global measures have been taken sufficiently as there is clearly still a large problem with poverty and hunger in many places in the world. It will probably be a long while till we get anywhere close to that. Hopefully, though, there can be some improvements on a local or national level, like the educational programs taking place in Rwanda. 

Amanda Barner

Blog Post 5: Microfinancing

Banerjee and Duflo argue that micro-credits really only work for those who already have an idea of how they want to grow their business. There are many, for instance the shop-owning couple in Cica Das, who are entrepreneurs solely because they have no other options for jobs. So while it might be true to say that a large portion of the poor are “entrepreneurs”, they own small and relatively unprofitable businesses that will not be able to make enough money to be worth their time. When offered a microloan, many of these people opt out because they don’t think growing would be worth the trouble, or they do not actually want to run their business in the first place. So micro-financing isn’t for everyone in every case. Rather, these are opportunities only certain inspired individuals would benefit from taking.

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to gain wealth, businesses must “cross the hump” to achieve an OR trajectory

Where microfinances do work, however, is with those who use their ideas and ingenuity to grow their business or manage their personal finances to become profitable. To, as Banerjee and Duflo would phrase it: “cross the hump”, which requires both personal skill and quite a lot of upfront money, something microfinancing by its very definition does not deal with.  Some successful examples include Jennifer Auma, who used several different types of local ROSCAs to diversify her portfolio and use loans wisely. So for her, microfinancing works. For others like the couple in Cica Das or Ben Sedan the cow owner, the upfront costs or motivation needed to really make their situations profitable is not worth the extra labor of becoming more involved in microfinancing and taking out loans.

I agree with Banerjee and Duflo’s assessment of microfinancing. It makes logical sense that, just like in developed countries, there are some people who are built for entrepreneurship, and many who are not. Also, a general sense of stability and hope may be needed before people in extreme poverty are willing to take a look at long-term investments, which just isn’t possible in the day-to-day struggles of their current lives.

Micro-credits, for all their possible downfalls, do appear to be working in Rwanda. Beginning in its infancy in 1975, the microfinancing sector of Rwanda didn’t really grow until the late 1990s (due to donor relief funds following the genocide), and even then the success of those MFIs was marginal at best until the government stepped in to structure the unregulated system. In September of 2006, the government adopted a formal National Microfinance Policy, including a specific law (Law No. 40/2008), which in 2008 defined the National Bank of Rwanda (BNR) as the main regulator of the microfinance sector (1). The National Bank of Rwanda is now mandated to regulate and supervise MFIs through licensing, off, and on-site inspections (2). Since then, the overall number of MFIs has gone down, but this is due to restructuring into a much more organized and regulated system.

As of recently, microfinancing has seen particular success in cutting down on the number of bad loans. According to the BNR, bad loans in the sector dropped by 4.3 percentage points in the third quarter of 2017 to 8% (3). Pierre Uwizeye, the acting executive director the Association of Microfinance Institutions in Rwanda (AMIR), said the association is “currently working with stakeholders to support MFIs to acquire new software that will enable them to automate their systems and improve efficiency and transparency” (3). It would seem that Rwanda is indeed tightening its regulations on MFIs and introducing software to improve the successes of the micro financing sector, which seem to be wise decisions as microfinancing should be regulated.

WWD_B6

Also recently, in Rwanda, AMIR is urging “key sector players to design appropriate products to improve consumer protection and reduce losses both clients and financial institutions” (4). This is to better serve their customers, who cannot afford the strictness of commercial banks, especially in rural areas. Straton Habyarimana, of  SEEP Network, a non-profit organization working with AMIR, stresses that financial “institutions should design financial products that respond to the needs of each client. Banks should not think for them without consulting them” (4). This is especially true considering the number of Rwandans turning to MFIs increases as commercial banks in the country adopt a more conservative lending approach with tighter rules (5).

Reflecting critically:

figure-1-severely-off-track-countries-e1518469359781The analysis seems accurate and fair in identifying the countries most off-track in terms of meeting the goals of ending extreme poverty. Before reading this I hadn’t thought about the possibility of certain developing countries having a much more successful time cutting down on poverty than others, and it would be interesting to explore reasons for those differences. I am glad to see that Rwanda is not included in this list of countries.

However, it seems a bit oversimplified to say that ending extreme poverty could be achieved by simply directing more aid to these countries. As has been discussed in previous posts, aid is not always distributed or handled correctly and while the article does point out less of a gap in the success rates of project from off-track countries and on-track ones, this doesn’t excuse the fact that there is still aid that would fail to be put to good use. A more in-depth exploration and plan would be needed, with perhaps more direct objectives, to ensure more aid is being used responsibly in the off-track countries.

Is Digital Technology Making a Difference?

Let’s take a look at a specific example to help answer such a broad question. “Digital technology” can be defined in many ways, but for microfinancing in particular this includes performance monitoring softwares (PMT), which enhance transparency and efficiency among MFIs. The software also allows easier access to credit by the rural poor, and create a center for data collection of all credit institutions at the AMIR headquarters in Kigali (3). Another benefit of the software is that it reduces operation costs, which in turn lowers interests rates, making microfinancing more affordable and accessible to those in extreme poverty. So on the whole digital technology, in the form of these PMTs, can greatly help the sector, increasing its assets by 9.5% during the third quarter of 2017 to 242.4 billion Rwandan franc. (3). 

rise-of-africas-digital-economy

If we expand the definition of digital technology to include the rise in mobile phones and wireless internet, then these greatly improve accessibility, especially for rural villagers, to access their accounts, make transactions, and manage payment systems for their businesses. In particular, MFIs often target women due to the fact that women are the agents of change in families, meaning that whenever they have resources they use them to the benefit of their children (6). The application of these loans do not even necessarily need to be made in the interest of a specific business; often loans are taken out for family emergencies or to put their children through school (6). Digital technology, then, can not only help the microfinancing sector in general, but also improve the lives of individuals and families who, thanks to improvements in technology, can expand their business and manage their money more efficiently. 

Resources:

  1. http://www.afr.rw/resources/publications/article/microfinance-challenge-fund-rwanda-end-of-project-evaluation
  2. https://www.bnr.rw/index.php?id=186
  3. https://www.newtimes.co.rw/section/read/226685  
  4. https://www.newtimes.co.rw/business/why-micro-finance-institutions-must-have-consumer-protection-policies
  5. http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/business/Rwandans-microlender-banks-tighten-rules/2560-4198648-sf0as3z/index.html
  6. https://www.techrepublic.com/article/10-things-to-know-about-how-microfinancing-is-using-tech-to-empower-global-entrepreneurs/
Amanda Barner

Blog Post 4: Rwandan Education and Democracy

2005_5173KaremeraCarole_IMG_x900
image from berlinale.de

When most people think of free speech and improving a nation, issues of the fine arts do not often come up. Yet for Carole Karemera (a musician, saxophone player, actress, director and contemporary dancer), Rwanda’s culture is incredibly important. In her own words, “there is need for more art advocacy (in Rwanda) because it’s not well perceived. There are no art facilities and we are the only country with no national theatre in Africa. There are no arts schools in Rwanda and there is no national budget for art like there is for agriculture and other sectors” (1).

After studying drama and dance at the University of Arts in Brussels, she entered the movie industry in 2002, starring in films such as “Sometimes in April”, “Sounds of Sand” and “Black”. The current film she is acting in is called “Knocking on Heaven’s Door” which specifically centers around the Rwandan genocide. Ever since “Sometimes in April”, her first film performed in Rwanda, the country has been important to her work, and in 2006 she and 7 other Rwandan women founded the Ishyo Arts Centre: the first performing arts centre in Kigali with the goal to make authentic Rwandan culture available to everyone (2). This includes the Kina Festival, which specifically supports children’s creativity and access to arts. Carole currently works as the artistic director of the Ishyo Arts Centre.

Carole is also a board member of National Institute of Museums in Rwanda, a member of the Rwanda Academy for Language and Culture (RALC) and a board member of Imbuto Foundation (3). In each of these emphasis on creating and preserving Rwandan culture is central. The main objective of the RALC is to preserve and promote Rwandan National Language, culture and historical heritage (4). The Imbuto Foundation tackles an even wider scope, focusing on a number of health programs, education initiatives, and youth mentorship (5).

When asked why Carole devotes so much time and effort to the fine arts and cultural aspects of Rwanda, she expressed her concern that “some people think that we don’t have a creative life in Rwanda” and that “We want the culture of Rwanda to be taken seriously by all artists. We need to create an environment for those artists to grow and make a life out of it” (6). For her, art isn’t just about preserving culture — it’s an active role in the creation of jobs opportunities that artistic Rwandans would not otherwise be able to pursue. It is about achieving a national standard, and connecting Rwanda to the rest of the world through media. Carole has set her sights on a global scale, with a focus on improving the lives of Rwandan citizens in the pursuit of culture.

Ranking Democracy and YALI

As discussed in Chapter 3 of Radelet’s Emerging Africa, democracy has been on the rise in Africa, with nearly half the continent under democratic rule. He discusses evidence of democracy with key aspects: a clear shift from the Big Man politics to institutionalized power, improvements to human rights being honored, and increased transparency and accountability. These are scored and ranked according to Freedom House (scale 1-7, 1 the best) and Polity IV (scale -10 to 10, 10 the best) standards. How does Rwanda hold up to these standards?

Admittedly not well by Freedom House standards, scoring a 6 out of 7 (7). For comparison, Ghana has a score of 1.5, with 1 being the “more free” score. The Polity IV gives a somewhat kinder score of -3, which puts it in the “closed anocracy” category (“anocracy” being loosely defined as “part democracy and part dictatorship”)(8). So according to these scores, Rwanda is in a bit of limbo, working towards democracy as evidenced by research, but still haunted by the history of genocide and dictatorship.  

RWA3
image from Polity IV

The YALI Network (Young African Leadership Initiative) is indeed active in Rwanda (9). There have fellows from Rwanda since 2014, with 15 bright young leaders selected to be a part of the fourth YALI Mandela Washington Fellowship, which will focus on helping the leaders to make “important contributions in their communities in the areas of business, public administration, and civic leadership” (10).

Education in Rwanda

As Banerjee and Duflo point out in Chapter 4 of Poor Economics, enrolment rates do not necessarily reflect quality of education or literacy rates, and often top-down efforts to increase the number of schools available does not correlate to more students enrolling. High student drop-out rates and low attendance can be due to a number of complex issues, including the will of the child and/or parent, the actual quality of the teaching, and costs necessary to keep a child in school when instead they could be working. In Rwanda, however, there does seem to be a concentrated effort on achieving the 4th SDG (and previously the 2nd MDG) of widespread education. According to UNICEF, the most positive outlook on education is Rwanda is that enrolment rates are on average 97.7%, with 97.3% for boys and 98% for girls. Even then UNICEF admits there are still issues of equitable education, with only 70% of children with disabilities being able to attend school, and that quality of education does not match high enrolment rates, nor has Rwanda successfully moved away from its agricultural roots into a more knowledge-based economy as is their goal (1).  

“Quality education” can be a difficult thing to measure, so much so that a whole list of requirements have been suggested by the World Bank and International Working Group on Education organized by UNICEF. Going by their definition, quality education includes:

  • Learners who are healthy, well-nourished and ready to participate and learn, and are supported in learning by their families and communities;
  • Trained and motivated teachers (the most crucial ingredients in the provision of quality education);
  • Content that is reflected in relevant curricula and materials for the acquisition of basic skills, especially in the areas of literacy, numeracy and skills for life, and knowledge in areas as gender, health, nutrition, HIV/AIDS prevention and peace;
  • Processes through which trained teachers use a child-centred teaching approach in well-managed classrooms and schools and are able to facilitate Active Learning in the classroom;
  • Environments that are healthy, safe, protective and gender-sensitive, and provide adequate resources and facilities;
  • Outcomes that encompass knowledge, skills and attitudes, and are linked to national goals for education and positive participation in society. (2)

So do Rwandan schools provide this? Well, some schools, thanks to the World Bank and the World Food Program (WFP), have been able to provide healthy meals and snacks to students. The Ministry of Education is pushing for higher standards for teachers, especially in English fluency, and the Ministry has conducted Learning Achievement in Rwandan Schools (LARS) assessment both in 2010 and 2014 to measure literacy rates. But the issue of quality is still widespread across Rwanda, particularly in teacher motivation and their burden of double shifts, relevant curriculum (especially in secondary education), and opportunities for professional development (2).   

What is the outlook for Rwanda’s educational future? Well, the projected portion of the national budget for education has increased from 17% in 2012 to 22% in 2018. The Global Partnership for Education states its goals as follows:

  • Expand access to 12 years of basic education
  • Increase access for students with special needs
  • Improve learning outcomes across primary and secondary education
  • Ensure qualified, suitably-skilled and motivated teachers
  • Increase equitable access to relevant, high-quality, demand-driven TVET programs
  • Increase equitable access to affordable higher education
  • Improve access to school readiness programs
  • Strengthen performance in science, technology and innovation at all levels
  • Increase access to Adult Basic Education to improve adult literacy and numeracy
  • Improve administrative and management support services (3).

Also, as previously mentioned within Carole Karemera’s work, the Imbuto Foundation has several education initiatives and programmes in progress. This includes the Early Childhood Development and Family (ECD&F) programme launched by

 the First Lady for 0-6 year olds. The foundation also runs the Promotion of Girls’ Education Campaign, scholarships, and the Kacyiru Community Knowledge Centre which teaches students IT skills (4). So there is definitely hope for the future, and Rwanda seems to be on the right track for improvement the quality of its educational system.

References:

1)  http://warriorthoughts101.blogspot.com/2014/09/some-of-25-most-inspiring-rwandan-women.html

2) http://www.ishyoartscentre.org/about-us/

3) http://www.ishyoartscentre.org/121/

4) https://en.unesco.org/creativity/policy-monitoring-platform/rwanda-academy-language-culture

5) http://www.imbutofoundation.org/-what-we-do-.html

6) https://www.newtimes.co.rw/section/read/199135

7) https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2016

8) http://www.systemicpeace.org/polity/polity4.htm

9) https://yali.state.gov/country-of-the-week-rwanda/

10) https://rw.usembassy.gov/fourth-yali-fellowship/

11) https://www.unicef.org/rwanda/education.html

12) http://www.educationis.org/?p=170

13) https://www.globalpartnership.org/country/rwanda

14) http://www.imbutofoundation.org/-Education-Programmes-.html

Amanda Barner

Post 3: Rwanda with a side dish of poverty traps and cheetahs

Part One:

Africa’s new “cheetah” generation is, according to Radelet and Ayittey, a new generation of young Africans “who look at African issues and problems from a totally different and unique perspective”, swiftly moving into government, civil society groups, and the private sector with an aim towards making Africa a more democratic and dynamic continent. This is huge difference from the older “hippo” generation, seemingly stuck in the past of colonialism and imperialism, and thus slow to move towards any change or improvement. Unlike the hippo generation, cheetahs are focused on transparency in government and business, accountability, and basic human rights.

A large part of the ability for the cheetah generation to mobilize and become empowered is through the influx of technology into Africa. Radelet views the rise of mobile phones and Internet connectivity as important resources for economic growth across Africa. According to a 2008 World Bank study, the mobile phone industry has spawned an estimated 3.8 million jobs, often in the field of information delivery, such as the Village Phone Operators who charged a small fee for people in their village to use their phone, and thus gain access to information from distant places. As with any technological explosion, prices and methods of technological access will change (an appropriate comparison would be to the phone operators in Europe and America up to the 1970s, when technology improved and caused the job to become obsolete). So while the whole current process of the ICT explosion is not sustainable, like all the other countries in the world, Africa’s countries can and will change with technology to create new jobs and methods of information distribution.

Part Two:

Jeffrey Sachs posits that the reason the poor remain poor is because of “poverty traps”, cycles of poverty which keep people from escaping their circumstances because the costs to do so would just make them poor again (for example, a farmer cannot climb out of poverty by buying fertilizer because fertilizer is too expensive, thus his crops do not prosper, thus he remains poor). The idea is that if only poor people were given an initial financial boost through the use of aid, they could then climb out of the “poverty trap” and begin a cycle of prosperity leading to income leading to more prosperity. Primarily it is believed hunger leading to exhaustion and thus less ability to work is the main poverty trap, but in reality, as discussed by Banerjee and Duflo, world hunger is more an issue of nutritional quality than simply caloric quantity, and often people are trapped in poverty due to a lack of jobs.

Continue reading “Post 3: Rwanda with a side dish of poverty traps and cheetahs”